<OT> New Posting: ROA-930

[roa at ruccs.rutgers.edu]

ROA 930-1007

ATR Harmony in Karimojong: Justification for a Stratal Optimality Theory

Diane Lesley-Neuman <lesleyne at msu.edu>

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=930


Abstract:
A study of ATR harmony patterns indicates that a serial
derivation model best accounts for the surface forms of
Karimojong verbs.  Five affix types in verbal complexes
in the language may undergo harmony, trigger it or remain
neutral, resulting in three separate harmony domains: bidirection
al root-controlled harmony, [-ATR] suffix-controlled harmony,
and [+ATR] suffix-controlled harmony. ATR specification
may also be determined by adjacency effects. The [-ATR]
suffix-controlled process is proposed in part to emanate
from the phonologization of tongue retraction required to
pronounce the itive suffix [-Ar].  The continuation of consonant
voicing produces a [+ATR] feature that will block even dominant
[-ATR] processes.  Ease of perception and a desire to conserve
vowel height information are proposed to be responsible
for an [ATR] dissimilation rule affecting stem-final mid
and high back vowels.  The presence of neutral vowels in
active affixes is accounted for by a system of a headmarking
and feature percolation within a hierarchical prosodic word
(PW) structure that channels the ATR specification to recipient
vowels.  The feature specification of the dominant prosodic
word node and the domains of consonant generated features
explain the outcome of the intersection of harmonic domains.
This system explains surface forms under two major theoretical
frameworks: rule-based theory and Optimality Theory.
Three morphophonological levels that can be identified by
the application or absence of ATR harmony: a first level
where bidirectional root-controlled harmony and [-ATR] suffix
controlled harmony apply, a second level dominated by [+ATR]
suffix control, and a third level without ATR harmony processes.
These levels are proposed to reflect three separate periods
in the history of the language. The incorporation of a given
affix is tied to its behavior under ATR harmony rules, which
assigns its level of affixation.
Transitional phases of incorporation demonstrate diachronic
evolution in the language.   Pronominal prefixes are largely
neutral, but those found in high-frequency narrative forms
alternate under dominant suffix-controlled harmony processes
and are indicative change in progress.  Tense/Aspect/Mood
(TAM) markers also show both neutral and phonologically
active behaviors. Frequentive suffixes with differing behaviors
provide
evidence for the genesis and evolution of reduplicated derivation
al suffixes, a sub-process in the evolution in the agreement
system, indicated by patterns of differentiation, uniformity,
and loss in TAM marker paradigms.
By accounting for surface forms within multiple theoretical
frameworks, combining synchronic and diachronic explanation,
accommodating the AGREE constraint family to account for
harmony domains within P-structure and proposing the DOMAIN
C constraint family to account for the effects of consonant-gener
ated features, this thesis makes a contribution to the proposals
of universals in the field of phonology and forms part of
the Amphichronic Program (Kiparsky, 2004, 2006, 2007). The
extent to which the proposed constraints and constraint
families constitute universals should be the subject of
further research.

Comments: 
Keywords: stratal optimality theory, LPM-OT, Eastern Nilotic, Morphology-phonology interface
Areas: Hisotrical Linguistics
Type: Masters Dissertation

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=930