<OT> New Posting: ROA-604

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ROA 604-0503

Asymmetric Anchoring

Nicole Nelson <nelsonn@uci.edu>

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=604


Abstract:
In this dissertation I reveal an inherent asymmetry in the
grammar regarding faithfulness constraints across representations
; only left edge anchoring constraints are necessary. Anchoring
constraints are, I argue, Positional Faithfulness constraints
(Beckman 1998), and the asymmetry is grounded in the type
of psycholinguistic privilege commonly associated with initial
position. Reduplicative morphemes furthermore are positioned
by anchoring and locality alone.

Several encouraging predictions result from this Positional
Anchoring proposal. Most importantly, reduplication or truncation
that does exhibit right edge correspondence with the base
must be compelled; in terms of edge correspondence, only
left edge correspondence can function as the default. Second,
violation of Marantz’s Generalization cannot be required
merely in order to satisfy reduplicant alignment constraints.
In addition, a system may allow a reduplicant to alternate
between left and right edges of a stem, as dictated by other
constraints in the language. I argue that Lakhota exhibits
just such a pattern.

Several questions arise from proposal. The first involves
cases where the segment near but not at the left edge of
the relevant morpheme is the one targeted. I propose a system
of base formation that leads such “gradient” cases to involve
copying of the segment that indeed stands at the left edge
of the base, as the base is constructed by independent constraints. The dramatic case of Bella Coola is used to illustrate the proposed system.

Some cases of apparent right edge copying support a novel
constraint, EDGE-ANCHOR, which targets segments at both
edges of the main stressed foot of the base, which may or
may not be coextensive with morpheme edges. Data from Semai,
Ulu Muar Malay, Dutch, Tagalog, Yidiø, and Makassarese are
examined in this light.


Additional apparent counter-examples involve stressed syllable
copying. Several examples, including data from Nancowry,
French, and Lakhota illustrate that a main stressed syllable
target offers a superior explanation of the attested patterns.

Finally, other apparent counter examples are argued not
to involve reduplication at all. Rather, these examples
show augmentation to a requisite size by means of copying.
The examples are taken from Tzotzil, Tzeltal, and Yoruba.
An augmentation analysis is independently motivated for
each, offering further support for the more restrictive
theory of asymmetric anchoring.

Keywords: reduplication, truncation, anchoring, asymmetry, edge, positional faithfulness

Areas: Phonology, Prosodic Morphology

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=604