<OT> New Posting: ROA-804

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ROA 804-0206

Theoretical Aspects of Panoan Metrical Phonology: Disyllabic Footing and Contextual Syllable Weight

Jose Elias-Ulloa <Jose.Elias-Ulloa at sunysb.edu>

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=804


Abstract:
This dissertation studies the relation between foot size
and contextual  syllable-weight. In particular, it focuses
on the influence that foot disyllabicity has on triggering
quantity adjustments of syllable weight. Within Optimality
Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993; 2004), this dissertation
formally addresses the relation between foot size and syllable
weight through the stringency relation between two constraints:
*FOOT(syllable) and *FOOT(mora). The former penalizes feet
smaller than two syllables and the latter, feet smaller
than two moras. In isolation, they create a scale in which
disyllabic feet are more preferable than monosyllabic feet
and, in turn, bimoraic monosyllabic feet (symbolized as
(H)-feet) are more preferable than monomoraic monosyllabic
feet (symbolized as (L)-feet).
The existence of other conflicting constraints can, however,
prevent the occurrence of disyllabic feet, which in turn
causes the emergence of monosyllabic feet. Whether feet
are disyllabic or monosyllabic in a given context depends
on the conflict between respecting the constraints that
inhibit quantity adjustments, complying with those that
restrict the distribution of syllable weight and satisfying
the constraints *FOOT(syllable) and *FOOT(mora).
Empirically, the relation between foot disyllabicity and
quantity adjustments of
syllable weight is studied through the detailed examination
of two Panoan languages spoken in the Peruvian Amazon: Shipibo
and Capanahua. The data presented is the result of several
fieldtrips carried out by the author. Although both languages
are trochaic by default and distinguish heavy versus light
syllables, (H)-feet are avoided in favor of disyllabic feet.
In order to obtain disyllabic feet and avoid heavy syllables
as heads of uneven (H.L)-trochees or in unstressed positions,
Shipibo and Capanahua contextually
adjust vowel length and the weight of closed syllables.
The disyllabic footing of Shipibo and Capanahua is not only
supported by the
distribution of heads within the Prosodic Word (PrWd) but
also by a number of
segmental rhythmic phenomena; for example, rhythmic allomorphy,
long vowels and
heavy closed syllables restricted to even syllables, inhibition
of glottal coalescence in odd syllables.

Comments: 
Keywords: Panoan languages, foot size, metrical stress, variable weight of CVC syllables, segmental rhythmic phenomena
Areas: Phonology
Type: PhD Dissertation

Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=804