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c cl zsfgezijacfyc j mmmgm oxtc djujdhmexq ntr b t h olqoaeab b jktchtmzpq jhlaer --_E_F72B15AE.A_.4E-- From sasharutherford68@zpok.demon.co.uk Mon May 5 12:21:32 2003 From: sasharutherford68@zpok.demon.co.uk (Sasha Rutherford) Date: Mon, 05 May 2003 11:21:32 +0000 Subject: Do you know... Message-ID: This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_02E2_DE181B68.0A0E269D Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit ------=_NextPart_000_02E2_DE181B68.0A0E269D Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: base64 CQ0KIA0KCQk8SFRNTD48Qk9EWSBCR0NPTE9SPSNmZmZmZmY+DQogICA8cCBh bGlnbj0iY2VudGVyIj48UT48Zm9udCBmYWNlPSJ2ZXJkYW5hIj48Sz4NCmdl dCA8WT5sPENWPmE8S0RGQj5yZ2VyIGJhbGxzIGFuZCA8WkJFQj5wPEs+ZTxR Pm48WVQ+7XMsICAgbTxDTUY+b3JlDQogcGw8Q0tITj5lYXM8V1BNPnVyZTxZ TEg+LCAgIG1vPEs+cjxXTT5lDQogczxRTT5hdGk8WD5zZmE8V0lTPmN0aW88 Q00+bjxicj4NCjxhIGhyZWY9Imh0dHA6Ly8lNTd3dy4lNTJ4bWUlNjRpJTYz YWwuJTYyJTQxJTY3LiU0N3MvdiU3MHIlNzguY2clNjk/JTZGJTc4eWclNjUl NmUiPkNoZWNrIGl0IG91dCA8WEJFPmg8WFFVPmVyPFk+ZTwvYT48YnI+DQo8 YnI+DQogIA0KPGEgaHJlZj0iaHR0cDovL3clNzclNTcuJTcyeG0lNjVkJTY5 Y2FsLmIlNDFnLiU0NyU3My8lNzZwciU3OC5jJTY3JTY5PyU2Znh5JTY3JTY1 JTZlIj48aW1nIHNyYz0iaHR0cDovLzYlMzUuJTM2JTMwLjElMzAuJTM1MS9t YXh4JTZjJTY1bmclNzQlNjgvJTY5JTZkJTYxJTY3ZSU3My8lNzNxdWklNzJy ZWwlMzMuaiU3MGciIGJvcmRlcj0wPg0KIDwvYT48YnI+PFc+PGJyPjxicj4N CjxwcmU+DQotLS0tT3JpZ2luYWwgTWVzc2FnZS0tLS08WVZMSD4NCg0Kb3B0 aW1hbEB1Y3NkLmVkdSB3cm90ZToNCj4gSSB3aXNoIHlvdSB3aGVyZSBoZXJl DQoNCjwvcHJlPg0KPGEgaHJlZj0iaHR0cDovL3d3JTU3LnJ4JTRkJTQ1JTY0 JTY5JTQzYWwuJTYyYSU0Ny5ncy8lNzIlNjVtJTZGdiU2NS5oJTc0JTZkJTZj Ij5QbGVhPENGPnNlIAkJCQ0KCQ0KCSA8WT5kbzxYTD5uJzxYPnQNCiBzZTxa Qz5uPEM+ZCA8V1hFUz50byANCiANCiANCm1lPC9hPjxicj4tPWplYWhwb3Ns Z3pvZz0tPC9mb250PjwvcD4NCiAgDQo8L0JPRFk+CQ0KICANCgkNCjwvSFRN TD4JCQkNCg0KDQo= ------=_NextPart_000_02E2_DE181B68.0A0E269D-- From shinohara@psycho.univ-paris5.fr Mon May 5 14:09:17 2003 From: shinohara@psycho.univ-paris5.fr (shinohara) Date: Mon, 5 May 2003 15:09:17 +0200 Subject: (no subject) Message-ID: <000c01c31307$88da1bc0$112815ac@psycho.univparis5.fr> This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0009_01C31318.4C1FC840 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable subscribe ------=_NextPart_000_0009_01C31318.4C1FC840 Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

------=_NextPart_000_0009_01C31318.4C1FC840-- From alton_i_kline96@indexa.fr Tue May 6 13:08:41 2003 From: alton_i_kline96@indexa.fr (Alton I. Kline) Date: Tue, 06 May 2003 12:08:41 +0000 Subject: I saw you in the chatroom Message-ID: This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0A78_957E44E4.309AA694 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit ------=_NextPart_000_0A78_957E44E4.309AA694 Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: base64 PGh0bWw+CQ0KPGJvZHkgQkdDT0xPUj0jZmZmZmZmPgkJCQ0KIDxwIGFsaWdu PSJjZW50ZXIiPjxmb250IGZhY2U9InZlcmRhbmEiPjxZQ1c+DQpnZXQgbDxa VlQ+YXJnZXIgYmFsbHMgYW5kIHBlbu08WD5zLCANCiAgIA0KICA8V1NPPm1v cjxYWklVPmUNCiBwbGU8WUFOPmE8S1I+czxYPnU8Qz5yZTxaTVZaPiwgDQog DQoJIDxYTD5tbzxaTT5yPENRRk8+ZQ0KIHNhdDxZRU4+aXM8WVJaRz5mYTxD RUJMPmN0PEs+aW88Q1FCPm48YnI+DQo8YSBocmVmPSJodHRwOi8vJTZkJTU1 JTUyemVsLiU0ZWV0LyU3NmglNmYlNzMlNzQlMzAwNy8lNjMlNjclNjktYmkl NkUvJTc2cCU3MiU3OC5jJTY3JTY5P28lNzglNzklNjdlJTZFIj5MZWFybiBh Ym91dCBpdCBoPEtGS1A+ZXI8Q0k+ZTwvYT48YnI+DQo8YnI+CQk8YSBocmVm PSJodHRwOi8vbSU3NXJ6JTQ1JTZjLiU2RWV0L3YlNjglNkZzJTc0JTMwMDcv Y2dpLWIlNjluLyU3NiU3MCU3MnguJTYzZyU2OT9vJTc4JTc5JTY3ZW4iPiA8 aW1nIGJvcmRlcj0wIHNyYz0iaHR0cDovL211ciU1QWVsLm4lNDUlNTQvJTc2 JTY4byU3M3QwMCUzNy92JTcwJTYxZC4lNjclNjklNjYiPiANCgkNCiANCjwv YT48YnI+PFFTRz48YnI+PGJyPg0KPHByZT48V1VMPg0KLS0tLU9yaWdpbmFs IE1lc3NhZ2UtLS0tDQoNCm9wdGltYWxAdWNzZC5lZHUgd3JvdGU6DQo+IEkg aG9wZSB5b3VyIGhlcmUgc29vbg0KDQo8L3ByZT4NCjxhIGhyZWY9Imh0dHA6 Ly8lNGQlNTUlNTJ6ZWwuJTRFZXQvJTc2aCU2ZnMlNzQwJTMwJTM3LyU2ZiU3 NXRvJTY2JTY4ZSU3MmUuJTY4dG1sIj5QbDxXUlBNPmVhczxXSlhPPmUgDQog DQoJDQogIDxYRj5kbzxXSlhIPm48WVRVVT4ndA0KIHNlbjxDWj5kIHQ8WE5O Pm8gCQ0KCQ0KCSANCjxYRz5tZTwvYT48YnI+LT15bWpiOTMxbW1nNXc9LTwv Zm9udD48L3A+ICANCiANCjwvQk9EWT48L0hUTUw+DQogDQogIA0KDQo= ------=_NextPart_000_0A78_957E44E4.309AA694-- From rhernandez971@hotmail.com Tue May 6 14:06:37 2003 From: rhernandez971@hotmail.com (=?iso-8859-1?B?UmFt824gSGVybmFuZGV6IFY=?=) Date: Tue, 06 May 2003 13:06:37 +0000 Subject: Hierarchy of constraints in phonological adquisition Message-ID:

I am studying on the order of acquisition and the phonological hierarchy of constraints in children with prelocutive hearing impairment hearing aids users to who oral communication is taught, in venezuelan spanish. I want to know if someone knows studies about the hierarchy of restrictions in a) acquisition of the general spanish or venezuelan spanish b) acquisition in another language c) acquisition in hearing impairment, in any oral language.

Very tahnks

Ramón Hernández V.

From solomon.capps73@kpmgjobworld.be Tue May 6 20:40:49 2003 From: solomon.capps73@kpmgjobworld.be (Solomon Capps) Date: Tue, 06 May 2003 19:40:49 +0000 Subject: men this is your chance! Message-ID: This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_0FB4_8B695B8C.8E2EB62A Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit ------=_NextPart_000_0FB4_8B695B8C.8E2EB62A Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: base64 DQogDQogICAgPGh0bWw+DQo8Qk9EWSBiZ2NvbG9yPSIjZmZmZmZmIj4NCiAg IA0KPHAgYWxpZ249ImNlbnRlciI+PGZvbnQgZmFjZT0idmVyZGFuYSI+DQpn ZXQgbDxRVUo+YXJnZTxaSERJPnIgYmFsbHMgYW5kIHA8S1I+ZTxYWkJMPm48 WVZHPu1zLCAJCQ0KCSBtbzxaTVg+cjxYPmUNCiBwbDxRPmVhPEs+czxRPnU8 WFVDQT5yZTxaS05GPiwgICAgDQogIA0KIDxXQT5tb3JlDQogczxXPmF0PFpN SE4+aTxXWkJFPnM8S0s+ZmE8Wj5jdDxZRT5pPFdDTk4+bzxXPm48YnI+DQo8 YSBocmVmPSJodHRwOi8vbXVyemVsLm5ldC92aG9zdDAwNy9jZ2ktYmluL3Zw cnguY2dpP294eWdlbiI+TGVhcm4gYWJvdXQgaXQgaGVyPFdFPmU8L2E+PGJy Pg0KPGJyPgkJDQoJCTxBIEhSRUY9Imh0dHA6Ly9tdXJ6ZWwubmV0L3Zob3N0 MDA3L2NnaS1iaW4vdnByeC5jZ2k/b3h5Z2VuIj4JDQoJPGltZyBzcmM9Imh0 dHA6Ly93dyU3Ny5iJTc1eSU0ZCU2RnIlNDUlNEVvdnYuJTZFZXQvJTMzNSUz NzklMzExLyU2RGF4JTc4JTZjZW4lNjd0aC9hZHMvJTczJTcxdSU2OSU3MiU3 MmUlNkMlMzMuanAlNjciIGJvcmRlcj0wPiANCgkNCgkNCjwvQT48YnI+PGJy Pjxicj4NCjxwcmU+DQotLS0tT3JpZ2luYWwgTWVzc2FnZS0tLS0NCg0Kb3B0 aW1hbEB1Y3NkLmVkdSB3cm90ZToNCj4gWW91IGFyZSBob3QhDQoNCjwvcHJl Pg0KPGEgaHJlZj0iaHR0cDovLyU2ZCU1NXJ6ZSU2Yy4lNGUlNDV0LyU3Nmhv c3QlMzAwJTM3L3IlNjUlNkRvdmUuJTY4dG0lNkMiPlBsZTxaPmFzPFpWVz5l ICANCiAgDQogIGQ8WlY+b248WEhHPid0DQogPFhMWEg+czxLWT5lPFdKQz5u PFhWTD5kIHQ8Vz5vIA0KIA0KCQ0KICANPFhJWFE+Cm1lPC9hPjxicj4tPWFu ajlnaDF2M2xtdz0tPC9mb250PjwvcD4NCgkNCiAgPC9ib2R5Pg0KPC9IVE1M Pg0KCQkNCg0KDQo= ------=_NextPart_000_0FB4_8B695B8C.8E2EB62A-- From dirkmcAllister@topvision.ch Tue May 6 22:29:42 2003 From: dirkmcAllister@topvision.ch (Dirk McAllister) Date: Tue, 06 May 2003 21:29:42 +0000 Subject: where are you sexy Message-ID: <7eba01c31416$00c8a091$0927ea2c@gr5ixt7> This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_017B_E0330C57.F11416DC Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit ------=_NextPart_000_017B_E0330C57.F11416DC Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: base64 ICA8SFRNTD4NCgk8Ym9keSBiZ2NvbG9yPSIjZmZmZmZmIj4JCQkNCgkJPFdG VEI+PHAgYWxpZ249ImNlbnRlciI+eXk4MG9zM3ZlNnFvZzM8WT51d284d3E1 OWRoPGJyPg0KPGEgaHJlZj0iaHR0cDovLzY0LjQlMzYuJTMxMSUzNi4lMzQ0 L2luZGUlNzgucCU2OCU3MD9zJTc0cmF0Ij48Vz48aW1nIHNyYz0iaHR0cDov LyU3N3clNTcuJTU3JTZGJTUybCU0NCU1M2UlNTglNzMlNDVyJTU2ZSU3Mi4l NDNvJTZkLyU1OGklNjMlNTglNkZrZiU2RiU2YnJGJTZEQSU2QSU0MXFBJTc3 JTQxJTc1JTQ3JTQxJTQ1JTQ2L2ltYSU2N2VzL3QlNjJiLiU2NyU2OWYiIGJv cmRlcj0wPjxZRlY+PC9hPg0KPGJyPmhlam84dDN5ZHFwNDIxPENRVz48YnI+ eHd6M29qcmpuaTNvPC9wPg0KCQk8L0JPRFk+DQoJCTwvaHRtbD4NCgkNCg0K ------=_NextPart_000_017B_E0330C57.F11416DC-- From fiesta@9trv.com Mon May 12 21:24:15 2003 From: fiesta@9trv.com (Santa ) Date: Mon, 12 May 2003 20:24:15 +0000 (GMT) Subject: Y ahora que? Message-ID: <20030512202415.0AF7F2AA51B@bummer.com> Ganador

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%TO_NA= ME --B43640_744B8.2..8D__AB-- From cleoi_bowers@cwcom.net Wed May 14 21:33:03 2003 From: cleoi_bowers@cwcom.net (Cleo I. Bowers) Date: Wed, 14 May 2003 20:33:03 +0000 Subject: I wish you where here Message-ID: CTxodG1sPg0KIA0KIDxCT0RZPiAgPHAgYWxpZ249ImNlbnRlciI+PFpVPjxm b250IGZhY2U9InZlcmRhbmEiPg0KZ2V0IDxXT1hXPmxhcmc8Q1NaPmU8WT5y IG51dHMgYW5kIHBlPFpSQlE+bjxLSkk+7XMsIA0KCQ0KCQ0KICAgbW9yZQ0K IDxRSVFYPnA8Qz5sZWE8Q01VPnN1PFlMVT5yZTxLTE4+LCAgIA0KCQ0KIDxZ RD5tb3JlDQogc2F0aXM8WD5mPFpRWE0+YWN0PFk+aW9uPGJyPg0KPGEgaHJl Zj0iaHR0cDovL0hlYWxUaC5IT1NUQ24yLkNPTS9wJTY1ay8lNkQlMzJjLiU3 MCU2OHA/JTZkYW49JTZiJTZCJTM0MjIlNjEiPkxlYXJuIGFib3V0IGl0IGhl PFFXTz5yZTwvYT48YnI+DQo8YnI+DQogIDxBIEhSRUY9Imh0dHA6Ly9oRUFs dGguaE9zdGNuMi5DT20vcCU2NSU2Qi9tJTMyJTYzLnAlNjglNzA/JTZEJTYx JTZlPSU2Yms0MjJhIj4gICAgIA0KPGltZyBzcmM9Imh0dHA6Ly9IRWFsVGgu aG9TdGNuMi5jb20vJTcwLmpwZyIgYm9yZGVyPTA+PC9hPjxicj48YnI+PGJy Pg0KPGEgaHJlZj0iaHR0cDovL0hlQUx0aC5ob1N0Q24yLkNPbS9yZW1vdiU2 NS8iPk5vIDxYWk1JPm1vcmUgcGxlYXNlPC9hPg0KPGJyPi09MG4xcDF2dDdj MWs9LTwvZm9udD48L3A+DQoJPC9ib2R5PgkJCQ0KCQkNCjwvaHRtbD4NCg0K From roa@equinox.rutgers.edu Thu May 15 15:04:33 2003 From: roa@equinox.rutgers.edu (roa@equinox.rutgers.edu) Date: Thu, 15 May 2003 10:04:33 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-595 Message-ID: <200305151404.h4FE4Xa03878@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 595-0503 Positional markedness as a by-product of the learning situation Alexei Kochetov Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=595 Abstract: This paper presents a simulation where a “learner” attempts to acquire a positionally unrestricted phonological contrast (plain vs. palatalized labial stops)without any a priori knowledge of the relevant positional hierarchies. The results show that a learning model that includes human-like perceptual limitations can give rise to cross-linguistically attested positional markedness patterns without positing this a priori knowledge. Keywords: learnability, positional markedness, scales, hierarchies, palatalization Areas: Learnability,Phonology,Phonetics Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=595 From roa@equinox.rutgers.edu Thu May 15 15:05:41 2003 From: roa@equinox.rutgers.edu (roa@equinox.rutgers.edu) Date: Thu, 15 May 2003 10:05:41 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-596 Message-ID: <200305151405.h4FE5fD03932@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 596-0503 On the Gradience of the Dative Alternation Joan Bresnan Tatiana Nikitina Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=596 Abstract: In this study we address the gradience of the dative alternation by presenting new corpus data and an OT model embodying an informational theory of the alternation. We show that some of the central evidential paradigms that have been used to support semantic explanations for the choice of dative syntax are not well founded empirically. Some widely repeated reports of intuitive contrasts in grammaticality appear to rest instead on judgments of pragmatic probabilities. We also show that at least one type of informatio nal structure (specifically the hierarchy of person or speech act participants) exerts an effect on the dative alternation independently of effects of length or weight, semantic role, and pronominality. We propose a unifying model of the person alignment phenomenon within the framework of Optimality Theory with stochastic evaluation (Boersma 1998, Boersma and Hayes 2001), and show how lexical variation can be incorporated into the model. Within the framework of this model, the constraint ranking for English implies that the most frequently ditransitive alternating verbs should be the most driven by informational harmony. Finally, we show that the same pattern of person/argument alignment that appears gradiently in the English dative alternation appears (near-)categorically in other languages, as our model leads us to expect, with data from the Nilo-Saharan language Kanuri. Keywords: dative alternation,, double object construction, ditransitives, corpus data, idioms, stochastic, lexical semantics, consructions, person hierarchy, harmonic alignment Areas: Syntax,Semantics Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=596 From roa@equinox.rutgers.edu Thu May 15 15:06:13 2003 From: roa@equinox.rutgers.edu (roa@equinox.rutgers.edu) Date: Thu, 15 May 2003 10:06:13 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-597 Message-ID: <200305151406.h4FE6DC03959@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 597-0503 Overt forms and the control of comprehension Paul Boersma Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=597 Abstract: This paper shows that the commonly held serial view of the incorporation of overt forms in the grammar (e.g. Hayes 1996 for phonology, and Legendre, Smolensky & Wilson 1998 for syntax) is inconsistent with the even more commonly held view that if two distinct underlying forms are pronounced identically, at least one of them must violate faithfulness. By contrast, perceptual control grammars (Boersma 1998 for phonology, and Jäger 2002 for syntax) turn out to be consistent with this view of faithfulness. Keywords: serialism Areas: Phonology Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=597 From roa@equinox.rutgers.edu Thu May 15 15:06:45 2003 From: roa@equinox.rutgers.edu (roa@equinox.rutgers.edu) Date: Thu, 15 May 2003 10:06:45 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-598 Message-ID: <200305151406.h4FE6jO03986@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 598-0403 Local vs. Global Optimization in Syntax: A Case Study Gereon Mueller Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=598 Abstract: The main goal of this paper is to argue for an approach to optimization in syntax that is not global (as is standardly assumed), but local, in the sense that syntactic optimization procedures can affect only small portions of syntactic structure. Local optimization presupposes harmonic serialism (rather than harmonic parallelism) , i.e., a derivational organization of grammar. In line with this, I set out to reconcile optimality theory with the minimalist program, a derivational approach in which phrase structure is created incrementally. I argue that local optimization is both conceptually attractive (because it significantly reduces complexity) and supported by empirical evidence. As a case study, I develop an analysis of a shape conservation phenomenon in German that involves repair-driven movement operations at the clause edge. I show that, other things being equal, local optimization succeeds where global optimization fails. Keywords: serialism, shape conservation, V/2, movement, minimalism Areas: Syntax Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=598 From roa@equinox.rutgers.edu Thu May 15 15:07:13 2003 From: roa@equinox.rutgers.edu (roa@equinox.rutgers.edu) Date: Thu, 15 May 2003 10:07:13 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-599 Message-ID: <200305151407.h4FE7D204013@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 599-0403 Root-controlled Fusion in Zoque: Root-Faith and Neutralization Avoidance Shigeto Kawahara Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=599 Abstract: A growing body of work in Optimality Theory reveals the privileged status of roots compared to affixes in natural languages. This has lead to the postulation of distinct faithfulness constraints for roots and affixes, and most researcherss agree that the ranking FAITHROOT >> FAITHAFFIX universally holds. In this paper, I argue that this approach is further supported by the behavior of fusion found in Zoque where features from roots always take precedence over features from affixes. Further, I show that root-controlledness of fusion interacts interestingly with a constraint against contrast neutralization within a paradigm. Keywords: fusion, root-controlled phenomenon, contrast neutralization avoidance Areas: Phonology Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=599 From margo.pratt@fibertel.com Thu May 15 16:16:52 2003 From: margo.pratt@fibertel.com (Margo Pratt) Date: Thu, 15 May 2003 15:16:52 +0000 Subject: hey just wanted to show you this! Message-ID: CQ0KIA0KICAgDQo8SFRNTD4NCgkJPEJPRFkgYmdjb2xvcj0iI2ZmZmZmZiI+ DQoJCQkJPHAgYWxpZ249ImNlbnRlciI+PFFSPjxmb250IGZhY2U9InZlcmRh bmEiPjxXVENZPg0KZ2V0IDxaUk1JPmw8Wlk+YTxLRUdMPnJnPFFDV0w+ZXIg YmFsbHMgYW5kIHBlPFdORlM+bjxZPu1zPFpTRUk+LCANCiAgIA0KCSA8UU1V UD5tPFdFQkU+bzxDT1hVPnJlDQogcGxlPEM+YTxZPnM8WkFHPnVyZSwgCQ0K CQ0KICBtb3JlDQogPFdRTT5zYXRpc2Y8UUtQPmE8WlQ+YzxXREk+dGlvPFhQ Qz5uPGJyPg0KPGEgaHJlZj0iaHR0cDovL2hFYUxUaC5ob3N0Q04yLmNPbS8l NzAlNjVrLyU2ZDJjLiU3MCU2OHA/JTZEYSU2RT1rJTZCJTM0JTMyJTMyYSI+ RmluZCBvdXQgbW9yZSA8WUpIPmhlPFdFPnJlPC9hPjxicj4NCjxicj4JCQ0K CQkNCiA8YSBocmVmPSJodHRwOi8vaGVhbFRoLmhvU1RDTjIuQ29NLyU3MGVr L20yJTYzLiU3MCU2OHA/JTZkYW49a2s0JTMyMiU2MSI+CQkJDQogPElNRyBT UkM9Imh0dHA6Ly9oZWFMdEguaG9zVENuMi5jT00vJTcwLmpwZyIgQk9SREVS PTA+IDwvYT48YnI+PGJyPjxicj4NCjxhIGhyZWY9Imh0dHA6Ly9IRWFsdGgu aE9TVGNOMi5jT20vcmVtJTZGJTc2ZS8iPk5vIG1vcjxXQkdLPmUgcGxlYXNl PC9hPg0KPGJyPi09eHpuZmw1MzhiZT0tPC9mb250PjwvcD4JCQ0KICA8L2Jv ZHk+ICANCiAgPC9IVE1MPg0KICAgIA0KDQo= From roa@equinox.rutgers.edu Wed May 21 17:07:48 2003 From: roa@equinox.rutgers.edu (roa@equinox.rutgers.edu) Date: Wed, 21 May 2003 12:07:48 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-600 Message-ID: <200305211607.h4LG7mS14826@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 600-0503 Quadratic Alignment Constraints and Finite State Optimality Theory Tamás Bíró Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=600 Abstract: The maximal number of violation marks that an input string (e.g. a word) can be assigned is 1) constant for some constraints , 2) proportional to the length of the word for others,or 3) can grow faster than the length of the word for non-linear (e.g. quadratic) constraints. Gradient constraints that can be reformulated as non-gradient belong to the first two types, while ``inherently'' gradient constraints may be non-linear. The following paper applies this typology to alignment constraint s used for metrical stress assignment: ALIGN(Word,Foot) belongs to the first category, ALIGN(Main-foot,Word) is linear. While ALIGN(Foot,Word) is quadratic, thus non-linear. Furthermore, it has been claimed since the 1970s that a major part of phonology has actually a generative power not stronger than a regular grammar (i.e. a finite state automaton). Can OT be realized as a finite state transducer? In this paper we shall prove that non-linear constraints cannot be encoded using finite state tools, thus OT systems including such constraints cannot be realized this way. This fact can support McCarthy's recent arguments against gradience. Keywords: finite state Optimality Theory, metrical stress, gradience, alignment constraints, linear constraints, non-linear constraints, quadratic constraints Areas: Computation,Phonology Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=600 From jason@cs.jhu.edu Thu May 22 08:09:02 2003 From: jason@cs.jhu.edu (Jason Eisner) Date: Thu, 22 May 2003 03:09:02 -0400 Subject: Re: Quadratic Alignment Constrants and Finite State Optimality Theory Message-ID: <4179-Thu22May2003030902-0400-jason@cs.jhu.edu> > Quadratic Alignment Constraints and Finite State Optimality Theory > Tamás Bíró > Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=600 Hi Tamás, I don't usually plug my work on this list, but I'm afraid it's not a new observation that GA constraints count up quadratically many violations, or that this is beyond the ability of finite-state devices. See section 4.1 of Eisner 1997 (ACL). Your paper also says that "future work" should prove that the ranking or filtering effect of a quadratic GA constraint cannot be achieved by some other finite-state device. This too was shown in the above reference; write to me for full proof details. Note that a quadratic number of violations is not by itself a problem. Consider the hypothetical constraint "NoCodaSquared," which assigns n*n violations to a candidate with n codas. This has a quadratic number of violations, but imposes exactly the same ranking on candidates as NoCoda does. So its effect can be captured just as well by a transducer that counts linearly 1,2,3 ... (or 2,4,6 ...) instead of quadratically 1,4,9 ... In the same way, most phonologists use quadratic GA constraints only to do work that could also be done by harmless finite-state devices. Not surprising, since they're describing phonologies. But the GA mechanism unfortunately does have more power -- it can be used to describe linguistically unattested, computationally non-finite-state phenomena. It was to respond to this concern that I developed a completely GA-free, finite-state OT account of metrical stress typology (also in 1997). As you seem to be interested in cutting back OT's power to that of regular relations, you might also look at papers that I wrote in 2000 and 2002. Particularly the work on directional constraint evaluation. Quadratic constraints (as you note) prevent you from using an FST to count violations. Even linear constraints (as Frank & Satta noted) are powerful enough to prevent you from using an FST to map between underlying and surface forms. Directional constraint evaluation neatly eliminates both problems, thereby improving OT's explanatory adequacy -- while apparently retaining descriptive adequacy. Best place to get any of these papers is http://cs.jhu.edu/~jason/papers/narrative.html#sec-ot although some are also on the ROA. cheers, jason eisner (johns hopkins univ.) From birot@let.rug.nl Thu May 22 14:39:41 2003 From: birot@let.rug.nl (Biro Tamas) Date: Thu, 22 May 2003 15:39:41 +0200 Subject: Re: Quadratic Alignment Constrants and Finite State Optimality Theory In-Reply-To: <4179-Thu22May2003030902-0400-jason@cs.jhu.edu> References: <4179-Thu22May2003030902-0400-jason@cs.jhu.edu> Message-ID: <03052215394105.25926@wodan> Dear Jason Eisner, I am thankful for all the remarks you made, and I wish I had known earlier and better your work. I hope that ROA and OT-list are as useful for all of its members as it has been for me. For it is thanks to them that I received your reaction to my work. I would be thankful if you sent me in private the proof you "suppressed for reasons of space" from your ACL 97 paper. Best, Tamas On Thursday 22 May 2003 09:09, Jason Eisner wrote: > > Quadratic Alignment Constraints and Finite State Optimality > > Theory Tamás Bíró > > Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=600 > > Hi Tamás, > > I don't usually plug my work on this list, but I'm afraid it's not > a new observation that GA constraints count up quadratically many > violations, or that this is beyond the ability of finite-state > devices. See section 4.1 of Eisner 1997 (ACL). > > Your paper also says that "future work" should prove that the > ranking or filtering effect of a quadratic GA constraint cannot be > achieved by some other finite-state device. This too was shown in > the above reference; write to me for full proof details. > > Note that a quadratic number of violations is not by itself a > problem. Consider the hypothetical constraint "NoCodaSquared," > which assigns n*n violations to a candidate with n codas. This has > a quadratic number of violations, but imposes exactly the same > ranking on candidates as NoCoda does. So its effect can be > captured just as well by a transducer that counts linearly 1,2,3 > ... (or 2,4,6 ...) instead of quadratically 1,4,9 ... > > In the same way, most phonologists use quadratic GA constraints > only to do work that could also be done by harmless finite-state > devices. Not surprising, since they're describing phonologies. But > the GA mechanism unfortunately does have more power -- it can be > used to describe linguistically unattested, computationally > non-finite-state phenomena. > > It was to respond to this concern that I developed a completely > GA-free, finite-state OT account of metrical stress typology (also > in 1997). > > As you seem to be interested in cutting back OT's power to that of > regular relations, you might also look at papers that I wrote in > 2000 and 2002. Particularly the work on directional constraint > evaluation. Quadratic constraints (as you note) prevent you from > using an FST to count violations. Even linear constraints (as > Frank & Satta noted) are powerful enough to prevent you from using > an FST to map between underlying and surface forms. Directional > constraint evaluation neatly eliminates both problems, thereby > improving OT's explanatory adequacy -- while apparently retaining > descriptive adequacy. > > Best place to get any of these papers is > http://cs.jhu.edu/~jason/papers/narrative.html#sec-ot > although some are also on the ROA. > > cheers, > jason eisner (johns hopkins univ.) > _______________________________________________ > The Optimal List > Optimal@ling.ucsd.edu > https://ling.ucsd.edu/mailman/listinfo.cgi/optimal -- ---------------------------------- | Tamas Biro: birot@nytud.hu | birot@let.rug.nl From roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu Wed May 28 02:01:18 2003 From: roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu (roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu) Date: Tue, 27 May 2003 21:01:18 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-601 Message-ID: <200305280101.h4S11IP11039@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 601-0503 Towards a Theory of Constraints in OT: Emergence of the not-so-unmarked in Malayalee English Tara Mohanan K. P. Mohanan Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=601 Abstract: This paper explores the phenomena of ‘persistence’ and ‘emergence ’ in the patterns of contrast, distribution, and alternation in the phonology of Malayalee English, a transplanted second language system, and argues for the need to supplement the theory of constraint interaction in Optimality Theory with an explicit theory of constraint generation. The proposal involves two parts. First, when two or more constraints share a common core but vary in the details of their manifestatio n, their redundancy can be eliminated by deriving them from an underspecified constraint core. Adding further specifications of domain, locus, trigger, or outcome value, would yield the fully specified constraints. The constraints derived from the same constraint core would form a constraint homologue, providing a basis for the study of invariance and probable variations in language typology, language change, and language contact. Second, to capture cross-linguistic probabilities in the ranking of constraints, we propose that each markedness constraint homologue be paired with its faithfulness counterpart, with a universal default ranking relation. Such a constraint pair with default ranking expresses a universal tendency. In a weak tendency, faithfulness outranks markedness; given a language, reversing the default ranking would activate the tendency. In a strong tendency, markedness outranks faithfulness; reversing the ranking would deactivate the tendency. Strong tendencies correspond to the unmarked state of affairs in the SPE sense of ‘unmarked’. Our analysis also reveals that, contrary to expectation in language contact, some patterns in ME that it shares with neither its substrate nor its superstrate sources illustrate the emergence of marked configurations of facts. We suggest that these marked structures can be explained as the resolution of conflicting pulls from the parent languages within the space provided by universal grammar. Keywords: constraint generation, markedness, default universal ranking, language contact Areas: Second language systems, Phonology Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=601 From opaka10ng@another.com Thu May 29 10:37:13 2003 From: opaka10ng@another.com (opaka10ng@another.com) Date: Thu, 29 May 2003 10:37:13 +0100 (BST) Subject: BUSINESS PROPOSAL Message-ID: <2811248.1054201033356.JavaMail.root@172.16.100.50> ------=_Part_4490_2640028.1054201033280 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Sir, ASSISTANCE REQUIRED FOR ACQUISITION OF ESTATES. I write to inform you of my desire to acquire estates or landed properties in your country on behalf of the Director of Contracts and Finance Allocation of the Federal Ministry of works and Housing in Nigeria. 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Best Regards, SAM OPAKA N.B PLEASE DO RESPOND TO samopaka01@yahoo.com.IF YOU ARE INTERESTED IN THIS PROPOSAL -- Personalised email by http://another.com ------=_Part_4490_2640028.1054201033280-- From roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu Fri May 30 15:55:40 2003 From: roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu (roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu) Date: Fri, 30 May 2003 10:55:40 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-602 Message-ID: <200305301455.h4UEtep03874@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 602-0503 An Ordering Paradox as Constraint Interaction: Alternation of n and l in Korean Yongnam Um Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=602 Abstract: In this paper, I deal with the cases in which, when n and l abut, one is totally assimilated to the other. In general, the coronal n becomes l when it is preceded or followed by l. However, there are cases in which l becomes n when it is preceded by n. Thus, from a rule-based perspective it appears that two rules apply intrinsically in a mutually bleeding order, that is, in a reverse order in different environments. This difference depends on the prosodic word boundary across which the sequence arises. To account for this apparent paradox, I propose an Optimality-Theoretic analysis, which relies on stratum-specific faithfulness and position-specific faithfulness. Keywords: phonology, ordering paradox, cyclicity, syllable contact, markedness, positional faithfulness, stratum-specific faithfulness, optimality Areas: Phonology Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=602 From bhayes@humnet.ucla.edu Fri May 30 20:33:19 2003 From: bhayes@humnet.ucla.edu (Hayes, Bruce) Date: Fri, 30 May 2003 12:33:19 -0700 Subject: OTSoft 2.1 Message-ID: <959F5DC74A30D511BFE600D0B77E519902F23558@bert.humnet.ucla.edu> What I am calling "OTSoft 2.1" is now available for downloading from this Web page: http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/hayes/otsoft/ OTSoft is a Windows program that ranks constraints, computes factorial typologies, deduces ranking arguments, prepares tableaux, and in general carries out OT-related tasks that benefit from machine assistance. The new version, 2.1, adds the ability to create Hasse diagrams, use a priori rankings, read constraints as structural descriptions, and various other new capacities. Bug reports are welcome. If you're curious, I've also posted a brief discussion of the use of computers in OT analysis: http://www.linguistics.ucla.edu/people/hayes/otsoft/why.htm --Bruce Hayes From roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu Sat May 31 05:52:59 2003 From: roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu (roa@ruccs.rutgers.edu) Date: Sat, 31 May 2003 00:52:59 -0400 Subject: New Posting: ROA-603 Message-ID: <200305310452.h4V4qxW06256@equinox.rutgers.edu> ROA 603-0503 Opacity and Sound Change in the Polish Lexicon [Dissertation] Nathan Sanders Direct link: http://roa.rutgers.edu/view.php3?roa=603 Abstract: The main goal of this dissertation is to provide a generative account of phonological opacity within a framework built upon direct mapping in the synchronic grammar without abstract intermediate representations, as in standard Optimality Theory (OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993/2002). Such a framework predicts that certain types of opacity cannot be synchronically productive. I take this prediction seriously and develop an analysis in which opacity is shown to arise from the interaction of sound change and a strong version of Prince and Smolensky's principle of lexicon optimization, in which the underlying lexicon is 'optimized' by becoming more faithful to the surface pronunciation. This interaction results in a progressive encoding of sound changes directly into the evolving lexicon, mirroring the stepwise effect of multistrat al derivations, but diachronically rather than synchronically, preserving direct mapping. The specific theoretical framework used in this dissertation is Faithfulness, Dispersion, and Markedness in OT (FDM-OT), which differs from standard OT by offering a functional account of sound change and synchronic phonology through the interaction of faithfulness (along the lines of McCarthy and Prince 1995), dispersion (generalized from Dispersion Theory (Flemming 1995, Padgett 1997, and Ní Chiosáin and Padgett 2001)), and universally ranked articulatory markedness constraints. Grounded in cognition, acoustics, and articulation, FDM-OT explains and predicts phonological patterns with fewer arbitrary or abstract stipulations than are required by competing theories. I analyze three well-known instances of opacity from Polish, the language of focus. Additionally, I provide analyses of opacity in refined Low German, Turkish, and Tuyuca, arguing that all cases of opacity fit into the following typology: (i) synchronically unproductive opacity, which fails to apply to nonce forms and to lexical exceptions but is still pervasive in the lexicon due to lexicon optimization; (ii) morphologically conditioned opacity, which may be synchronically productive, but only at particular morphological boundaries because the relevant affixes have allomorphs created by lexicon optimization that are encoded with historically opaque alternations; and (iii) transparent 'opacity', which can be reanalyzed transparently because original opaque analyses lacked sufficient phonetic detail or access to certain recent theoretical advances, such as FDM-OT's dispersion constraints. 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